News & Updates

May 08, 2017

 

KuTha Meat in Gurmat – Explores the correct definition of KuTha in light of Gurmat and Islamic sources to ascertain whether Sikhs are prohibited from eating only Islamic or any meat.

 

February 21, 2017

 

Concept of Hukam –  Concept of Hukam, God’s Will, as outlined in Gurbani added under Philosophy.

 

Check Past Updates

Find Us On...

Find Sikhism: Sikh Religion, Beliefs, Philosophy and Principles on FacebookFind Sikhism: Sikh Religion, Beliefs, Philosophy and Principles on Twitter

The Kanaihya Misal

Amar Singh Kingra or Sanghania was the founder of this Misal. Some of the valorous Sikhs rallied round him and accepted him as their leader. He established his own derah. He considered it absolutely necessary to baptise a person into a ‘Singh’ before accepting him into his derah.

Jai Singh

A Sandhu Jat cultivator, named Khushal or Khushali or Khushal Singh, lived at the village of Kanah, situated at some ten kos or about fifteen miles to the south of Lahore.1 His two sons, Jai Singh and Jhanda Singh left their village and first joined the derah of Amar Singh Kingra and then joined the confederacy of Kapur Singh Faizullapuria or Singhpuria about the year 1739,2 and took pahul from him. From the native village of the Misal’s leader, Jai Singh, the confederacy took its name. It is also said that when the young Jai Singh went to Amritsar to be baptised as a Singh, the assembled Sikhs were so much struck with his beauty that they asked him the name of the village from which he had come. “I am of Kanah” he said. “Well is your village named Kanah” was the reply “for you resemble Kanaihya himself.” Kanaihya is one of the names of the beautiful Lord Krishan.

The four real brothers: Haqiqat Singh, Mehtab Singh, Jiwan Singh and Tara Singh, who belonged to the village Julka, situated about two kos from the village Kanah, came and joined Jai Singh.3 On the death of Kapur Singh, Jai Singh and his brother Jhanda Singh retired to Sohian, the village of Jai Singh’s father-in-law, situated in the north-west of Amritsar, at a distance of seven kos or about nine or ten miles.4 Haqiqat Singh, along with his other three brothers and their companions, shifted to Sangatpur about three kos from Sohian.5 Jai Singh collected about 400 horses6 and in collaboration with Haqiqat Singh took possession of the surrounding areas. Five years later, in 1754, Jhanda Singh was killed in a fight with Nidhan Singh Randhawa at Rawalkot. Jai Singh succeeded to his brother’s share in the estate, marrying his widow, Desan, by the rite of chadar pauna.7 Jai Singh became a powerful chief. He occupied Nag, Mukerian, Hajipur, Datarpur, Kerrot, Pathankot, Dharamkot, Sujanpur, etc.8

Jai Singh had, among his followers, many well-known persons as Amar Singh and Jhanda Singh Bakarpurias, Lakha Singh Kanhowalia, Amar Singh Khokhra, Budh Singh Dharamkotia, and Jhanda Singh Kerch.9 Jai Singh was known for his daring and dash. In the beginning of 1754, Jai Singh, accompanied by Charhat Singh Sukarchakia, entered Lahore through Shah Alami Gate, one dark evening, in the guise of a Muslim and dispossessed the rich merchants and jewellers of their money and valuables.

In 1759, Desan, the widow of Jhanda Singh and wife of Jai Singh, gave birth to a son, named Gurbakhsh Singh, who was betrothed at the age of seven and married at nine, to Sada Kaur, daughter of Dasonda Singh (Dhaliwal) of Alkolwala.10 Jai Singh bad first married the daughter of Hamir Singh of Nabha.

Haqiqat Singh Sangatpuria was the leader of one great section of Kanaihya Misal. He was a friend and a close associate of Jai Singh and participated in many expeditions led by the latter. Jai Singh arranged the marriage of his associate Haqiqat Singh’s son Jaimal Singh to Sahib Kaur, daughter of Maharaja Amar Singh of Patiala. He occasionally visited Patiala to help in solving some of their problems. After Ahmad Shah Abdali’s retirement from the Punjab in 1763, the Kanaihya Sardars, allied with Jassa Singh Ahluwalia, Hari Singh Bhangi and Jassa Singh Ramgarhia, attacked the Pathan town of Kasur.

According to Bute Shah, a Brahman woman was taken away by the Afghans of Kasur and forcibly taken in wedlock by one of them. Feeling dishonoured, the Brahmans of Kasur came to Amritsar and related the story of their woes to Jai Singh, Haqiqat Singh and the Ahluwalia, Ramgarhia and Bhangi Sardars. Enraged over the conduct of the Afghans of Kasur they decided to sack the ruler of Kasur and teach a lesson to the guilty. The Sikh Sardars besieged the kot (fortress) of Sultan Abdul Rahim Khan and occupied it shortly. Four or five hundred Afghans were killed and the chief of Kasur, Ghulam Muhayy-ud-Din Khan, was also shot dead in the course of fighting. The Sikh Sardars imposed war indemnity of four lakh rupees on the Afghans which they accepted to pay.11 The Sikhs got huge booty from Kasur. According to Ahmad Shah Batalia, the allies plundered the town and the booty included cash, gold and silver utensils, various kinds of pearls and precious stones, very costly silk and pashmina clothes and valuable rugs. Jai Singh Kanaihya’s share comprised gold, silver, emeralds and richly studded ornaments which were carried with difficulty by four strong and sturdy persons. Similarly the Ramgarhias also received a rich share from the booty. It is said that most of the booty was buried in the jungle near the village of Begowal.12

All the fourteen fortresses, built outside the walls of the town of Kasur, were occupied by the Sikhs. These were divided into four groups out of which two groups were received by the Bhangis, one group was taken over by the Ramgarhias and the fourth group was possessed by the Kanaihyas. And for many years to come he town of Kasur remained in the hands of the Sikhs.13

Jai Singh Kanaihya and Jassa Singh Ramgarhia were very friendly to each other and had jointly undertaken armed operations against the Mughals and Afghans. But, after the sack of Kasur a dispute arose between the two Sardars, over the division of booty. Sometime later, Jai Singh quarrelled with Hari Singh Bhangi and they clashed near Eminabad, without a decisive victory for any of them. Jai Singh marched to Sirhind and participated in the battle where Zain Khan was defeated and killed on January 14, 1764. In 1765, Qazi Nur Muhammad wrote in his Jang Nama that Jai Singh Kanaihya had extended his territory up to Narol lying in the southern parts of Jammu. He worked in collaboration with Jassa Singh Ramgarhia and both of them shared the territory of Batala between themselves.14

Kanaihyas Occupied Kangra

The fort of Kangra was surrounded on three sides by steep and high precipices. It was a grand edifice of stone. The hill on which the fort stood was nearly 5 kms in circuit. With a view to dominating the Kangra hills the Mughal government had appointed an officer who resided in the Kangra fort. At this time, the fort was under Saif Ali Khan. During Ahmad Shah Abdali’s invasions Ghamand Chand Katoch had risen to power. His son, Tegh Chand, paid tribute to Jai Singh Kanaihya. In 1782, Ghamand Chand’s grandson, Raja Sansar Chand Katoch, became anxious to secure possession of the fort. He attacked Saif Ali Khan many a time but could not achieve his object.

On the death of Nawab Saif Ali Khan, the Muhammdan governor of Kangra, in 1784, Raja Sansar Chand Katoch laid siege to the famous fort of Kangra. But the Katoch chief was unable to occupy it.  He, then, sought the help of Jai Singh Kanaihya.  Jai Singh sent his son, Gurbakhsh Singh, accompanied by Sardar Baghel Singh and a considerable force. Gurbakhsh Singh, by throwing hints of Raja’s treacherous intentions, induced the besieged Jiwan Khan, son of Saif Khan, to allow his troops to take possession of the fort so that their obtaining what was promised was assured. Thus, by a clever move, Gurbakhsh Singh occupied the fort and Sansar Chand was obliged to retire. The other hill chiefs also came under Jai Singh.15 Earlier to this the hill states, including those of Jasrota, Basohli and Jammu, had been tributary to Haqiqat Singh. Now, Jai Singh became paramount and all the hill chiefs solicited his alliance. The possession of the fort of Kangra turned the head of Jai Singh Kanaihya. Earlier, Jassa Singh Ramgarhia exercised great influence in the Shivalik hills.

Sikh Chiefs and Jammu Affairs

In 1770, Ranjit Deo (Dev) of Jammu, a tributary of Jhanda Singh Bhangi, quarrelled with his eldest son, Brij Raj Deo, whom he wanted to exclude from the succession in preference to his younger son, Dalel Singh. 16 Brij Raj Deo called to his assistance Jai Singh and Haqiqat Singh Kanaihya and Charhat Singh Sukarchakia. Raja Ranjit Deo called Jhanda Singh Bhangi and some hill chiefs including those of Chamba, Kangra and Nurpur. The rival forces fought occasionally for some six months near Jammu without any conclusive results. Charhat Singh died from the bursting of his gun.17 The Bhangis found the new situation and then, decided to assassinate Jhanda Singh. They bribed a Mazhabi Sikh who shot him dead as he was riding in the evening, attended by only three horsemen, through the camp, to see some Sardars.18 The death of Jhanda Singh ended the quarrel. The rival forces retired from Jammu which became tributary, paying one lakh and twenty-five thousand rupees annually to Haqiqat Singh.19

The hostilities between the Bhangis and Kanaihyas were renewed shortly. Jhanda Singh Bhangi had bestowed Pathankot on one of his Misaldars, Nand Singh, also called Mansa Singh, whose widow gave the jagir of Pathankot to her son-in-law, Tara Singh, a near relation of Haqiqat Singh Kanaihya. Ganda Singh Bhangi insisted that Tara Singh should give up the jagir but he refused. There was a fighting between the Bhangis and Kanaihyas and during the armed operation Ganda Singh fell ill add died.20 The Bhangis withdrew and it further strengthened the position of the Kanaihyas.

Raja Ranjit Deo of Jammu died in 1781, and his son Brij Raj Deo succeeded him. On the succession ceremony of Brij Raj, Jai Singh and Haqiqat Singh Kanaihya sent turbans and doshalas through their agents, Lachman Das and Dyal Singh, accompanied by a contingent of fifty horsemen. Similarly the other Sardars and hill chiefs sent turbans and doshalas to be presented to the new ruler of Jammu, during the ceremony. Sardar Mahan Singh sent his kul mukhtar, Diwan Daya Ram, on condolence and a few days later himself went there and exchanged his turban with Brij Raj Deo.21 The new ruler of Jammu decided to win back some of his territories from the Bhangis. Brij Raj Deo sent a word to Haqiqat Singh through Mahan Singh that if he helped him get taalnqa of Karianwala and the towns of Jalalpur and Islamgarh released from Gujjar Singh Bhangi, he would give him (Haqiqat Singh) thirty thousand rupees.22 In the heart of their hearts the Kanaihya Sardars did not like the proposal as the Bhangis were their friends and Jai Singh had recently married the daughter of Bagh Singh Hallowalia a Bhangi chief, but outwardly they felt compelled to accept it. Mahan Singh came to assist Brij Raj Deo to capture Karianwala. Haqiqat Singh did not join in the beginning but on repeated invitations he joined Brij Raj against the Bhangis.  But he had his sympathies with Gujjar Singh who was assisted by Karam Singh Doolo, Bagh Singh Hallowalia, Tara Singh Chainpuria and Jiwan Singh Sialkotia. Haqiqat Singh did not put his heart in the fighting on the side of Brij Raj. It was with a lot of effort for two months that the Jammu chief was able to occupy Karianwala.23

Raja of Jammu did not pay the stipulated nazarana to Haqiqat Singh probably on the suggestion of Mahan Singh. This led to an estrangement between Mahan Singh and Jai Singh Kanaihya and Haqiqat Singh. The friendship between Karam Singh Doolo and Gujjar Singh Bhangi was further strengthened with the passage of time.

After the lapse of two or three months Mahan Singh marched towards Rasulnagar and Jaialpur Pindi and reduced Ghulam Muhammad Chatha and other Pathans to submission. He besieged the town of Chiniot also. Karam Singh Doolo was stationed at the fort of Bhangian, situated about five kos from Chiniot, with a force of four or five hundred horse and foot. Finding himself no match for Mahan Singh he left the fort and came to Sialkot.24

Gujjar Singh Bhangi, accompanied by his Misaldars and Haqiqat Singh and his other associates, made a bid to get the taaluqa of Karianwala released from Brij Raj Deo of Jammu. They besieged Shakargarh. Brij Raj Deo immediately invited Mahan Singh to come to his assistance. The Sukarchakia chief hurriedly responded to the call and attacked the derah of Haqiqat Singh who was readily helped by Karam Singh Doolo, Gujjar Singh Bhangi and others. Mahan Singh, along with Brij Raj Deo, was beaten back and the siege of Shakargarh continued.25

Haqiqat Singh, who had emerged victorious, demanded his previous nazarana of thirty thousand rupees from Brij Raj Deo, and the territory of Karam Singh Doolo along with Chiniot, from Mahan Singh. Both of the vanquished chiefs had to concede the demands of the victor.26 A few month’s later Brij Raj Deo refused to pay the stipulated nazarana to Haqiqat Singh, and accepted to pay the same to Jai Singh. This annoyed Haqiqat Singh who wrote to Mahan Singh about Brij Raj Deo’s backing out from the previous commitment with him regarding the tribute and also told him that, ultimately, his relations with the Jammu chief would land him in dishonour and disappointment. Haqiqat Singh invited Mahan Singh to join him in his attack on Jammu. They would divide among themselves the booty and the territories captured.27

Since Jai Singh had turned hostile to Mahan Singh due to the latter’s assisting the Jammu chief, Mahan Singh thought it advisable to change his loyalty from Brij Raj Deo to the Kanaihya chiefs. So he accepted the proposal of Haqiqat Singh for a joint action against Brij Raj. Mahan Singh marched from Gujranwala, in the later half of 1783, towards Chitral. Starting from Fatehgarh, Haqiqat Singh entered the district of Zafarwal.28 The day for entering Jammu was fixed in January 1784. But Mahan Singh stole a march over his ally, Haqiqat Singh, and entered Jammu which he plundered. The Raja of Jammu, finding no help coming from any quarter, fled from the town. Mahan Singh is said to have plundered lakhs of rupees (according to some writers more than a crore of rupees) from the town and most of the affluent residents of Jammu were made captive. The palace of the Raja and many other houses were committed to fire. The booty was sent to Gujranwala before Haqiqat Singh reached Jammu in the next two or three days. He felt defrauded on account of having been deprived of any share from the great spoil. But shortly thereafter, Haqiqat Singh died (in 1784) of pneumonia at Fatehgarh, his headquarters.29 Jai Singh demanded from Mahan Singh half of the booty for Haqiqat Singh’s son, Jaimal Singh, a part of which he desired to offer to the Harmandir Sahib, Amritsar. Mahan Singh refused to part with any amount on the plea that the booty was the fruit of his own labour.30

Mahan Singh was said to be happy in his heart over the death of Haqiqat Singh, but outwardly be was expressing grief and sympathy with Jaimal Singh, the son of the deceased. To meet the day to day expenses Mahan Singh was giving five thousand rupees daily to Jaimal Singh. He had also persuaded him to accompany him, along with his army, to Gujranwala where the last rites of his deceased father would be performed.31 During these days Jai Singh was staying at Hajipur. When he learnt about the plunder of Jammu and death of Haqiqat Singh he felt very enraged and sad. Jai Singh told that he had considered Mahan Singh as his son but he had brought dishonour to him. After Charhat Singh’s death he had taken the youthful Mahan Singh into his care and assisted the aspiring chief in capturing Rasulnagar, on river Chenab, from a Muhammadan family.32 Jai Singh solemnised the marriage of Mahan Singh with the daughter of Raja Gajpat Singh of Jind, in 1774.33 Having secured his position, Mahan Singh threw off his allegiance to Jai Singh. Nursing in his mind ambitious plans, Mahan Singh started undertaking independent military operations. Jai Singh despatched his son, Gurbakhsh Singh, along with a contingent of one thousand horsemen, towards Chitral with the instruction that he should immediately bring Jaimal Singh with him. On the persuation of Mahan Singh, Jaimal Singh was ready to accompany the former to his headquarters—Gujranwala. On Gurbakhsh Singh’s meeting him Jaimal Singh agreed to cancel his visit to Gujranwala, Gurbakhsh Singh told Mahan Singh that. God willing, the booty of one crore rupees, got by him from Jammu would be taken back. There was an altercation of uncharitable words between them.34

Relations between Jai Singh and Mahan Singh Got Strained

A little later Jai Singh, Jassa Singh Ahluwalia, Gujjar Singh Bhangi and many other chiefs assembled at Fatehgarh to observe condolence on the death of Haqiqat Singh. Mahan Singh did not go there personally due to the hostile attitude of Jai Singh Kanaihya towards him. On his behalf, his official, Diwan Daya Ram, attended the condolence ceremonies.35 After the ceremonies were over Jaimal Singh, a young boy of 13, was unanimously installed on the gaddi, as the successor of his father, Haqiqat Singh, by the Sardars before they departed for their respective places. But Jai Singh stayed there for the next two months and guided Jaimal Singh in the conduct of his domestic affairs and administrative problems of his territories.36

In the meantime, Jassa Singh Ahluwalia passed away and was succeeded by Bhag Singh. Jai Singh and Jaimal Singh attended the condolence ceremonies at Fatehabad. Now, Jai Singh decided to march against the Nakka area and Multan with the support of the Majha Sikhs. Jai Singh declared that if Mahan Singh reinforced his relatives of Nakka he would fight against him and bring him under his subordination. Thus, in 1783, Jai Singh, accompanied by his associates, along with their contingents, marched from his headquarters and entered the district of Jandiala. Bhag Singh Ahluwalia, at the head of all his forces, also joined him. They sacked the districts of Rasulpur, Mandiala and Jandiala. Realising nazaranas from the places falling on the way Jai Singh reached the Nakka territory. The Nakkai Sardars, Wazir Singh and Bhagwan Singh, the relatives of Mahan Singh, finding none coming to their assistance, submitted to the Kanaihya chief.37

After dealing with the Nakkais Jai Singh entered the district of Multan and after receiving some tribute from Nawab Muzzafar Khan, crossed over to the territories of Jhang and Chiniot. The affected chiefs wanted to request Jai Singh for the restoration of their territories but it was postponed to Diwali when he would visit Amritsar.

On the festival of Diwali of 1784, Bhag Singh Ahluwalia, Karam Singh Doolo, Baghel Singh, Tara Singh Ghaiba and Gujjar Singh reached Amritsar, on the invitation of Jai Singh. Mahan Singh, accompanied by his force and artillery, also arrived at Amritsar and encamped in the fort there.38 Mahan Singh visited Jai Singh and offered sweets to him but the latter who was highly incensed against the former did not accept the sweets and expressed his extreme anger against him. Mahan Singh apologized to him for misconduct if he was guilty of any. Mahan Singh made every effort to reconciliate with the Kanaihya chief but to no avail. Jai Singh totally refused to talk to him. When Mahan Singh was still sitting in Jai Singh’s presence the latter lay on his bed and pulled a chaddar (a sheet of cloth) on his body and posed to have gone to sleep. Mahan Singh kept sitting there for hours together but Jai Singh would not listen or talk to him. Ultimately, disappointed, Mahan Singh went to his derah.39

Next day, Jai Singh sent a word to Mahan Singh through Bhag Singh Ahluwalia and Tara Singh Chainpuria that he should give one crore rupees to him out of the Jammu spoils and he should also restore the territories of the Sikh chiefs that he had forcibly taken possession of otherwise he would not be allowed to return from Amritsar. This made Mahan Singh extremely upset.40 Assisted by Wazir Singh and Bhagwan Singh Nakkai, who had a force of 1500 horsemen with them, Mahan Singh left Amritsar at dead of night and marched towards Majitha. Jai Singh ordered his associates that ‘the dancing boy’ (Mahan Singh) should not be allowed to go and he should be made a captive and produced before him. But they failed to capture him despite the fact that they engaged him in a severe fighting till be reached Majitha.41

During the last many years Jassa Singh Ramgarhia, who had been driven out of his territories in October 1778, consequent upon a dispute between the Kanaihyas and Ramgarhias over the division of some lands, had been moving about in exile in the cis-Satluj areas. He had suffered much at the hands of Jai Singh. These days he was just on the other side of river Satluj.42 Sansar Chand Katoch had also lost most of his territories to Jai Singh. Mahan Singh, who was determined to take revenge upon Jai Singh, decided to have a truck with the Ramgarhia and Katoch chiefs for a joint action against the Kanaihyas. In consultation with Sansar Chand Katoch, Mahan Singh sent a communication to Jassa Singh Ramgarhia through Rai Ahmad Manjh to join them in defeating Jai Singh and getting back his territories.43

After getting necessary assurances from them Jassa Singh crossed river Satluj and headed towards Batala. From the other side, Mahan Singh also marched into the Kanaihya territory. He was joined by Amar Singh Nakkai, along with Fateh Singh, son of Mehtab Singh—his son-in-law. Sansar Chand also, as agreed upon, came down from the hills.

Jai Singh first sent his son, Gurbakhsh Singh, at the head of a big force to resist Jassa Singh Ramgarhia and he himself stayed back in Batala. The rival forces clashed at Ramdevpura, near Achal, about four kos from Batala, in February 1785. The fight continued for six hours. Gurbakhsh Singh Dodia died fighting and shortly thereafter, a gun shot, fired by one of the men of Guru Sundar Das of Jandiala, struck Gurbakhsh Singh, son of Jai Singh, in the chest and wounded him mortally.44 Gurbakhsh Singh was a very beautiful, tall, brave, generous and a promising young man.45 The Kanaihya troops, having lost their leader, got disheartened and were routed.

Gurbakhsh Singh’s death broke the back of his father who made no further resistance,46 ‘He burst into tears, emptied his quiver of its arrows and dismounting from his horse, exposed himself to the enemy’s fire. Such was the respect for the old veteran that none dared approach him in his grief and all, quietly, withdrew.’47 He restored to Jassa Singh Ramgarhia his old possessions excepting Batala. After staying at Batala for a few days after the fight against the allies, Jai Singh went towards Pathankot to get assistance from Tara Singh and Jaimal Singh to defend himself against further losses at the hands of Jassa Singh. Gurbakhsh Singh’s widow, Sada Kaur, was at Batala. Fearing, that she might not be captured by the Ramgarhias through a surprise attack, she, accompanied by some prominent and brave persons, left Batala at night and went to Sohian. When Jassa Singh came to know that Batala was without a Kanaihya chief he despatched Bhag Singh Amin and Hakumat Singh to take possession of Batala. As soon as Jassa Singh’s men reached Batala, Dharam Singh, who had been appointed to look after the town by Jai Singh, left the place and Ramgarhias, once again, occupied it.48 The Kanaihyas lost their possessions of Batala, Kalanaur and Hajipur.49

Sansar Chand Katoch captured the Kanaihya possessions of Hajipur and the adjoining areas and also placed Mukerian under his control. The fort of Atalgarh remained in the hands of Jai Singh. With the help of a contingent of 1000 men sent by Mahan Singh, under the command of his two officers, Daya Ram and Muhammad Salah, Sansar Chand besieged the fort of Kangra. The siege continued for six months, Mahan Singh’s men who had run short of money were refused any payment before the fall of the fort. The allies began to fight amongst themselves. Muhammad Salah was killed in the engagement. Daya Ram returned to Gujranwala. Sansar Chand suggested to Jai Singh that both of them should join to fight against Mahan Singh. Jai Singh accepted the proposal. When Jai Singh came out of the fort Sansar Chand’s men rushed into it and after a brief resistance occupied it.50

Excepting Sohian and some minor areas Jai Singh lost all his possessions to his opponents.51 The death of his son and the loss of his territories made Jai Singh a very disappointed and a very sad man.

Sada Kaur, widow of the deceased Gurbakhsh Singh, was an intelligent and a shrewd lady. She found it in the interest of the Kanaihya Misal to bring about reconciliation with the Sukerchakia chief. She happened to meet Mahan Singh’s mother and wife at Jawalamukhi. She is said to have proposed the hand of her daughter, Mehtab Kaur, to Mahan Singh’s son, Ranjit Singh. The proposal matured and good relations between the two Misals were re-established.52 Sada Kaur accepted the demands of Amar Singh Nakkai also and contracted cordial relations with him.

The Kanaihyas again started improving their position which had received a tremendous set back. Jai Singh wanted to have friendly relations with Sansar Chand Katoch and at the same time desired to retain the possession of the fort of Kangra. Both sides started negotiations through their vakils. A face to face dialogue between Jai Singh and Sansar Chand was arranged at the village of Sherpur, at the bank of rivulet Uja. Many of the hill chiefs, including those of Jasrota and Nurpur and Jaimal Singh and Tara Singh of Pathankot, assembled there. Dialogue about Kangra was started through the mediation of the chief of Jasrota. Ultimately it was decided that Sansar Chand should return to Jai Singh the taaluqa of Hajipur and such of the villages of Mukerian as had been captured by the former and Kangra be restored to the Katoch chief with a commitment from him to help the Kanaihya Sardar against Jassa Singh Ramgarhia.53

Consequently, Jai Singh got back his territories occupied by Sansar Chand and handed over the possession of the fort of Kangra to the latter. At the head of an army Jai Singh marched on Batala which was in the hands of Jassa Singh Ramgarhia. The Rajas of Nurpur and Jasrota also helped him. Mahan Singh, Jaimal Singh and some other Sardars also joined Jai Singh. They besieged Batala. Jassa Singh was present in the town. The siege and fighting continued for twenty two days. Finding no chance of victory over the Ramgarhias Jai Singh lifted the siege and retired from there. Jassa Singh planned to fortify the town but before it could be accomplished he went towards the fort of Nathu Singh where he was besieged54 and prevented from returning to Batala.

Jai Singh availed himself of the absence of Jassa Singh from the town of Batala, sent his men to the qanungos and the punches of the town and settled the plan of occupying the town. One night Jai Singh sent one of his trusted men, named Chanda Singh, with a contingent. He entered the town from the side of the Mohalla Bhandarian by making a breach in the outer wail of the town. Jassa Singh’s brother Tara Singh, Bhag Singh Amin and Mohkam Chand were inside the fort. After the fighting they went out and joined Jassa Singh and the town came in the possession of the Kanaihyas.55 Later, there were more clashes between the Kanaihyas and Ramgarhias but the former emerged victorious.

In the meantime, Mahan Singh died on April 15, 179056 at the young age of 30. Jai Singh felt deeply grieved. Ranjit Singh was too young at that time and the Sukarchakia Misal was placed under the care of some very competent administrators. Jai Singh and his daughter-in-law, Sada Kaur, were keenly interested in Ranjit Singh’s smooth succession to the Sardari of his Misal.

We have conflicting dates of the death of Jai Singh and the marriage of Ranjit Singh with Sada Kaur’s daughter, Mehtab Kaur. According to Khushwaqat Rai, Jai Singh died in B.K. 1850 corresponding to A.D. 1793.57 According to Bute Shah, Jai Singh solemnised the marriage of his grand-daughter, Mehtab Kaur, with Ranjit Singh in A.H. 1204 or A.D. 1789-90. He spent a lot of money on this marriage. He died in A.H. 1205 or A.D. 1790-91, at Batala.58 Ali-ud-Din Mufti writes that the marriage of Ranjit Singh with Mehtab Kaur took place in A.H. 1205 or A.D. 1790-91, and death of Jai Singh occurred two years later, that is, in A.H. 1207 or A.D. 1792-93.59 According to Muhammad Latif, the marriage between Ranjit Singh and Mehtab Kaur took place in A.D. 1796, and Jai Singh died four years later, that is in 1798.60 Sohan Lal Suri writes that Ranjit Singh got himself married to Mehtab Kaur in B.K. 1852, corresponding to A.D. 1795-96.61 But be does not mention the date of Jai Singh’s death. Since Sohan Lal Suri is a more reliable author we should accept A.D. 1796, as the date of Ranjit Singh’s marriage with Mehtab Kaur, daughter of Gurbakhsh Singh Kanaihya. Ahmad Shah Batalia, Bute Shah, Ali-ud-Din Mufti, Lepel Griffin, Giani Gian Singh, Kanaihya Lal and Muhammad Latif are unanimous in confirming that the above mentioned marriage took place in the life time of Jai Singh. So his death might have occurred after 1796. The exact date of his death still needs to be determined on the basis of some irrefutable evidence which still awaits to be unearthed. According to Khushwaqat Rai, Jai Singh lived up to the age of 80 and he headed his house for 55 years.62

At the time of Jai Singh’s death his sons, Nidhan Singh and Bhag Singh, were too young to handle the state affairs. In order to avoid any dispute in the family Jai Singh divided his possessions among his wife Raj Kaur (mother of Nidhan Singh and Bhag Singh) and his eldest son Gurbakhsh Singh’s widow, Sada Kaur.63 Raj Kaur was satisfied with the possession of the taaluqa of Hajipur and Sohian. Batala, Mukerian and some other territories were placed in the hands of Sada Kaur.64

Haqiqat Singh and Mehtab Singh were real brothers. Mehtab Singh had a son, named Fateh Singh. The sister of Fateh Singh was married to the son of Tara Singh Chainpuria. When a year after the marriage she was going to live in her in-laws house many Kanaihya Sardars assembled at Fatehgarh, in the district of Gurdaspur, to see her off. Haqiqat Singh’s son, Jaimal Singh, also came there with gifts of clothes and ornaments for the girl. Fateh Singh, in consultation with Sada Kaur and Diwan Lachman Das, confined Jaimal Singh.65 When Jaimal Singh’s wife. Sahib Kaur, daughter of Amar Singh, the ruler of Patiala, came to know of the detention of her husband she deputed Diwan Dhanpat Rai to strengthen Fatehgarh and other places. She collected the forces and got ready to fight. She entered Doaba, along with her forces. Tara Singh Ghaiba and Baghel Singh Karorsinghia also reached Fatehgarh. In these very days, Fateh Singh had married his daughter to Gulab Singh Bhangi. Hearing about the coming of forces against him and finding himself unable to resist, Fateh Singh, along with Jaimal Singh, hastened to Amritsar, during the night,66 where his son- in-law, Gulab Singh, was ruling. Next day, Sardar Baghel Singh, and some others followed him to Amritsar. Baghel Singh sent a word to Fateh Singh that, not caring for the position of Jaimal Singh, he had done a wrong thing by detaining him. Baghel Singh asked him to send Jaimal Singh to their side and whatever the price for his release would be paid by him (Baghel Singh). Baghel Singh further told him that if the above proposal was not acceptable to him Jaimal Singh be brought to the Gurdwara — a common place, for a meeting and discussion of a few things with them and then he would be sent back to them. But Fateh Singh and Gulab Singh did not accept the proposal.67 Later, he was released.

At the time of Jai Singh’s death his son, Nidhan Singh, was only seven years of age and Bhag Singh was two years younger. From the points of intelligence and age both of them were not [it to succeed to their father’s possessions. Nidhan Singh had been engaged to the daughter of Tara Singh Kang and Bhag Singh to the daughter of Khushal Singh Faizullapuria. These matrimonial relationships had been established by Jai Singh some time before his death.68

Sada Kaur had deep resentment against Jassa Singh Ramgarhia who was responsible for the murder of her husband, Gurbakhsh Singh. She collected many Sikh chiefs, including Nidhan Singh and Bhag Singh Kanaihya, Tara Singh Ghaiba, Khushal Singh Faizullapuria, Bagh Singh Halluwalia, Baghel Singh and Bhag Singh Ahluwalia, and dispossessed Jassa Singh Ramgarhia of most of his territories in the Majha. She besieged the Fort of Miani (then under Jassa Singh) on the other side of river Beas.69 She also invited Ranjit Singh to participate in the operations against the Ramgarhia chief. Ranjit Singh reached Amritsar and Sada Kaur met him there. Baba Sahib Singh Bedi, a revered Sikh, was at Amritsar at that time. Jassa Singh Ramgarhia, finding himself incapable of resisting the Kanaihyas, approached Baba Sahib Singh, through a vakil, for reconciliation with them. Next day, when Ranjit Singh paid a visit to the Baba the latter said to him. “Both the parties, involved in the fighting, are the followers of Guru Nanak and Guru Gobind Singh. You have lost your senses as you shed each other’s blood. It is sinful on your part. You should feel ashamed of the fact that at a short distance from here the Pathans of Kasur are indulging in cow-slaughtering and harassing the Hindus and you are doing nothing to prevent them. You tell Sardarni Sada Kaur to be-considerate and reasonable. I shall call Jassa Singh Ramgarhia and bring about reconciliation between you. In collaboration with each other you should proceed against Kasur and then plan to conquer Multan and Peshawar.”70 Dal Singh and Jodh Singh who had accompanied Ranjit Singh to Baba Sahib Singh assured him that his feelings would be conveyed to Sada Kaur. When Sada Kaur was told about it she said that Jassa Singh’s men might have briefed Baba ji wrongly, “Since we have to function as rulers such proposals are not acceptable to us. I shall accept the proposal for an amicable settlement only after Jassa Singh’s son, Jodh Singh, is killed at our hands and his wife is made a widow like myself.”71

Next day, very early in the morning, she took Ranjit Singh, along with her, to Miani and tightly converged on Jassa Singh in the fort. Immediately thereafter Jassa Singh sent his vakil to Baba Sahib Singh informing him of Sada Kaur and Ranjit Singh’s taking positions around the fort. Baba ji sent a word to Jassa Singh to firmly stick to the fort and not lose heart. The sat Guru would come to his assistance and the besiegers would disperse in dismay.72

After three days, with God’s will, flood in the river inundated Sada Kaur’s camp at night resulting in the drowning of many of their men and horses. Their supporters ran away leaving behind their horses. Ranjit Singh, then marched towards Ramgarh. Nidhan Singh and Bhag Singh, sons of Raj Kaur, went to Sohian, and Sada Kaur to Batala.73 The territories of the Kanaihya Misal lay in the districts of Amritsar, Gurdaspur, Hoshiarpur, Kangra and Sialkot. Many of their villages and towns lay in the Jalandhar Doab, Bari Doab and Rachna Doab. In its hey-day this Misal had a large territory under its control. But with the passage of time their possessions diminished.

Relations of Sada Kaur with Ranjit Singh

Sada Kaur had been a unique lady of the age. Her family had a long tradition of courageous and brave enterprises. She was born in 1762, to Sardar Dasondha Singh Dhariwal.74 Coming of age she was married to Gurbakhsh Singh, son of Jai Singh Kanaihya, but she was not destined to enjoy her married life for long. She bore a daughter, named Mehtab Kaur, in 1782. She lost her husband at the young age of 22. Thus widowed, whereas an ordinary woman would have resigned herself to her fate and vanished in oblivion, Sada Kaur decided to fight the destiny and carve out for herself a place known only to administrative and diplomatic talents. After her husband’s death the first diplomatic plan which struck her was the reconciliation bet-been the Kanaihyas and Sukarchakias. And that she successfully achieved by a matrimonial alliance between the two Misals. Her daughter, Mehtab Kaur, was married to Mahan Singh’s son, Ranjit Singh. She also saw in this alliance a good opportunity to make Ranjit Singh a stepping-stone to carving out for herself a kingdom, by uniting the resources and strength of the two houses. But in the game of diplomacy, her son-in-law was more than a match for her. In the words of C. H. Payne,

“Her real aim was to render the whole of the Punjab subject to her own dominion; and she sought, by keeping Ranjit Singh under her control, to make his power subservient to her plans. But she mistook both the nature and the capabilities of her son-in-law. The Lion of the Punjab had no intention of becoming a stepping-stone for others; and Sada Kaur soon found that the role she had designed for him was the very one she was destined to play herself.”75

In 1790, while at his death-bed, Mahan Singh handed over the charge of his ten-year old son to Sada Kaur. For about six or seven years, she helped in the conduct of the affairs of Sukerchakia Misal.

Due to the internal dissensions of the three rulers of Lahore, the law and order situation in the city bad been adversely affected. In response to an invitation from the prominent citizens of Lahore Ranjit Singh decided to occupy it. He started From Rasulnagar and reached Batala and discussed the matter of occupation of the political capital of the Punjab with Sada Kaur.76 She accompanied him to Lahore, at the head of her army. The combined forces of Sukarchakias and Kanaihyas entered Lahore on July 6, 1799. On Sada Kaur’s suggestion negotiations were conducted with Chet Singh Bhangi who was in possession of the fort. Chet Singh was offered to be treated kindly and permitted to take all his movable property with him to hisjagir at Vanyeki, in the pargana of Ajnala. Chet Singh accepted the offer and evacuated the fort on the morning of July 7, 1799, and Ranjit Singh occupied the fort the same day.77

We find that in the early stages of Ranjit Singh’s political career Sada Kaur was greatly instrumental in the building up of his power and laying the foundation for much of his future greatness.78

With the passage of time, relations between the two became less cordial. Not long after marriage, Ranjit Singh and Mehtab Kaur got estranged from each other. It is said that sometimes the Maharaja was too harsh towards his wife, Mehtab Kaur. Sada Kaur felt very unhappy over it.79 Therefore, she called her daughter back to Batala where she remained most of her time. Sada Kaur made her best efforts to remove estrangement between her daughter, Mehtab Kaur, and Ranjit Singh but she succeeded partially. The Maharaja agreed to Mehtab Kaur’s staying on at Batala where he occasionally visited her. A son, named Ishar Singh, was born to her in 1802.80 He was engaged to the daughter of Mehar Singh, son of Jodh Singh Nakkai, at the age of an year and a half but shortly thereafter he died. Twin sons—Sher Singh and Tara Singh—were born to Mehtab Kaur in 1807. Both of them remained at Batala and grew under the care of their mother and grandmother.

Ranjit Singh wanted Sher Singh to succeed to Sada Kaur’s possessions and, thus, he desired to unite the two Misals under the leadership of the Sukerchakias. But Ranjit Singh’s indifference towards Mehtab Kaur was painful to Sada Kaur. Accompanied by her daughter, Sada Kaur went to Hardwar and happened to meet Samru Begum there. Sada Kaur and Samru Begum exchanged their clothes and expressed solidarity with each other. The courtiers of Ranjit Singh told him that Sada Kaur, being an ambitious lady, was planning to build her political power with the help and cooperation of others, including Samru Begum.81 Ranjit Singh got annoyed with her. During these days Mehtab Kaur was having a failing health. She died in 1810.82

At the time of Mehtab Kaur’s death Ranjit Singh was at Amritsar where the death of the former had taken place. Ranjit Singh did not attend the cremation and other condolatory ceremonies. After a lot of appeals and persuasions Diwan Mohkam Chand was able to take the Maharaja to Sada Kaur’s derah, where he performed some of the important ceremonies of condolence.83

Because of the Maharaja’s lack of necessary attention to Mehtab Kaur’s sons, Sher Singh and Tara Singh, and due to some other unpleasant things Sada Kaur was, in the heart of her hearts, displeased with Ranjit Singh but outwardly she was posing to be on good terms with him.84

In 1811, in consultation with Sada Kaur, Ranjit Singh annexed the taaluqa of Hajipur, Sohian and other possessions of Nidhan Singh and Bhag Singh, sons of Jai Singh. These younger sons of the Kanaihya chief were living there along with their mother, Raj Kaur. The Maharaja gave them the taaluqa of Budha Pir which yielded an annual income of ten or twelve thousand rupees. Nidhan Singh was addicted to excessive drinking of which he died a year later.85

After Nidhan Singh’s death Ranjit Singh took over the taaluqa of Budha Pir and, instead, gave seven or eight villages in the taaluqa of Jandi to Bhag Singh and his mother, Raj Kaur.86 Nidhan Singh and Bhag Singh died childless.87 Because of bad blood and mistrust created between Ranjit Singh and Sada Kaur the latter refused to attend the marriage of Prince Kharak Singh in 1812, nor did she allow her grandsons, Sher Singh and Tara Singh, to participate in the marriage ceremonies.88

Ranjit Singh was not happy with Sada Kaur. He was on the look out of an opportunity to annex her territories. As referred to earlier, Ranjit Singh wanted of Sada Kaur to give a sizeable jagir to Sher Singh. But she was not prepared for that. The estrangement between Ranjit Singh and his mother-in-law escalated. Sada Kaur crossed river Satluj89 and had a dialogue with the British for help against her son-in-law. The Maharaja was a shrewd man. He wrote a conciliatory and a pleasing letter to Sada Kaur and called her back to Lahore. She came and was interned. This had taken place in 1821.90 Sada Kaur made a bid to escape but was made a captive. Ranjit Singh annexed the Kanaihya territories. The town of Batala was conferred on Prince Sher Singh and other parts of the Misal were entrusted to the care of Desa Singh Majithia.91

When Desa Singh proceeded to take charge of the Kanaihya possessions be took Sada Kaur along with him, first, to Batala and, then, to Mukerian. The relatives of Sada Kaur strengthened their position in the fort of Atalgarh and started fighting with guns against the Lahore forces.92 The territories of the Sardars and Misaldars of the Kanaihya Misal were seized.

On return from Mankera, Ranjit Singh called Sada Kaur’s zamindars and officials to him. They were honoured with jagirs and khillats- Ahmad Shah Batalia, the famous contemporary writer, along with many other residents of Batala, was also called to Lahore and honoured.93 Faqir Aziz-ud- Din’s son. Shah Din, was appointed to supervise Prince Sher Singh’s jagir of Batala.94

Rani Sada Kaur remained confined in the fort of Lahore and later in Amritsar, for the rest of her life till 1832. On her imprisonment in 1821, by the Maharaja, Sada Kaur appealed to the British to grant her asylum in her possession of Wadni in the cis-Satluj area.95 The British accepted to give her protection and drove away the Maharaja’s men from the fort of Wadni. Ranjit Singh fretted and fumed but “prudently avoided a collision with the British.”96

Captain Wade, the British Superintendent of the Sikh and hill affairs, at Ludhiana, supported Ranjit Singh’s claim that Wadni belonged to him and not to Sada Kaur.97 His argument was that Sada Kaur had never been accepted by the British as an independent sovereign. She was always introduced by the vakil of Ranjit Singh, which clearly meant that she was only dependent of the Maharaja, with all her possessions in the trans and cis-Satluj areas. But the British government of India considered the protection of Wadni, in 1807, by Sada Kaur, as an indication that she enjoyed sovereign power, and was the head of the Kanaihya Misal in her own right and as such independent of Lahore suzerainty. Therefore, the grant of Wadni in 1808, by Ranjit Singh was invalid and she was entitled to claim the British protection. Thus, Ranjit Singh’s claim on the territory was not accepted. Her possessions in cis-Satluj areas were declared to have lapsed into the British territories. The matter of Wadni was reopened by Lahore government in 1827, and Ranjit Singh’s claim over that territory was admitted by the British98 on the plea that the Rani’s territories could not be considered under British protection as she, in her relations with the British, had always acted through the Lahore government. Ranjit Singh appointed Hakim Imam-ud-Din to look after the territories of cis-Satluj areas earlier possessed by Rani Sada Kaur.99 On her death in 1832, at Amritsar, where she had been held as a close prisoner, her funeral ceremonies were performed by Prince Nau Nihal Singh and Maharaja Ranjit Singh came to Amritsar to condole her death.100

In the words of Latif, “Thus fell, after having figured prominently in Panjab politics for about thirty years, the high-spirited Sada Kaur, one of the most remarkable women in the history of the Panjab. She had been the mainstay of Ranjit Singh’s power, the ladder, whereby that monarch bad been enabled to reach the summit of his greatness. She was the companion of his toils, and to her energy, intrigues, and influence he chiefly owed his success in his early exploits. She maintained an unbending disposition to the last, and her ruin was brought about by the course of events, not less than by the high tone she was in the habit of assuming and the independence of character she asserted, both of which the Sikh monarch had become incapable of tolerating by the growth of his power. She bore the calamity of her confinement with great restlessness and impatience, upbraiding and execrating her ungrateful son-in-law, beating her breast with vehemence, and renewing her curses and lamentations every day.”101

All the possessions of Sada Kaur had been taken over by the Maharaja in her life time. Hem Singh, the nephew of Sardar Jai Singh, had received the grant of the area of Rukhanwala, worth forty thousand rupees, from Ranjit Singh after the capture of Kasur, and again after the last campaign of Kasur in 1807, he received another estate at Khodian worth ten thousand rupees. He died in 1820. His descendants served the Lahore Durbar and enjoyed jagirs given by the Maharaja.102 A little reference to another branch of the Kanaihya Misal would not be out of place here.

Jaimal Singh Kanaihya married his only daughter Chand Kaur, a girl of ten years of age, to Prince Kharak Singh. The marriage was celebrated with the greatest splendour, at Fatehgarh in the Gurdaspur district, on the 6th February, 1812. Besides a large number of noted guests it was attended by the chiefs of Kaithal, Nabha and Jind and by Colonel Ochterlony, Agent of the Governor-General. Jaimal Singh made very lavish arrangements for the reception and entertainment of the marriage party and very rich presents were given to the Maharaja and other guests.103 In February 1821, Chand Kaur gave birth to Nau Nihal Singh.

Jaimal Singh had died in 1812, leaving no son. Ranjit Singh decided to seize his wealth supposed to be stored up in the fort of Fatehgarh. Ranjit Singh sent one Ram Singh on a pretended mission of condolence to the widow of Jaimal Singh. As soon as he was admitted into the fort he took its possession in the name of Ranjit Singh. He obtained from the fort nine lakh rupees in the form of ashrafis and silver and about four lakh rupees worth ornaments. The Maharaja allowed the revenue of the district of Fatehgarh as subsistence allowance to the widow of Jaimal Singh and all their -remaining territories ‘were conferred on Kharak Singh.104

Three months after the death of Jaimal Singh his widow gave birth to a son named Chanda Singh who held the estate until the accession of Sher Singh who resumed much of it. The annual jagirs of the value of 60,000 rupees were left to Chanda Singh, 45,000 rupees of which were withdrawn after the murder of Rani Chand Kaur. Later, Hira Singh, son of Raja Dhian Singh, confiscated the whole of the remaining estates of Chanda Singh, the reason given being that he had illuminated his house on hearing the death of Dhian Singh. Later, Jawahar Singh restored to him family jagir worth 3060 rupees. Chanda Singh died in 1861, leaving two sons.105

Notes and References

  1. Bute Shah, Tarikh-i-Punjab, IV, MS., Dr Ganda Singh, Personal Collection, Patiala, p. 35; Ganesh Das Badehra. Char Bagh-i-Punjab, (1855), Amritsar, 1965, p. 129; Ali-ud-Din Mufti, Ibratnama, Vol. I, (1854), Lahore, 1961, p. 271; Kanaihya Lal, Tarikh-i-Punjab, Lahore 1877, p. 93; Lepel Griffin, The Punjab Chiefs, Lahore, 1865, p. 314; Gian Singh, Tawarikh Guru Khalsa, II, reprint Patiala, 1970, p. 242.
  2. Bute Shah, op. cit., IV, p. 35. According to Lepel Griffin, they joined Kapur Singh in 1749 (The Panjab Chiefs, p. 316). Ahmad Shah Batalia, Kanaihya Lal and Giani Gian Singh write that the name of Jai Singh’s brother was Chanda Singh.
  3. Ibid; Gian Singh, op. cit., p. 242; Khushwaqat Rai believes that Jai Singh and Haqiqat Singh were real brothers (Tawarikh-i-Sikhan, Dr. GS. personal collection (Patiala), p. 91.
  4. Khushwaqat Rai, op. cit., p. 91; Lepel Griffin, op. cit., p. 316; Gian Singh. op. cit., p. 243. According to Bute Shah (op. cit., IV, p. 35) and Ali-ud-Din Mufti (op. cit., Vol. I, p. 271), Sohian was the village of Jhanda Singh’s father-in-law.
  5. Bute Shah, op. cit., p. 36; Mufti Ali-ud-Din, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 271; Gian Singh, op. cit., p. 243.
  6. Ibid.; Gian Singh, op. cit; p. 243; Lepel Griffin, op. cit., p. 316.
  7. Ibid.; Lepel Griffin, op. cit., p. 316; Gian Singh, op. cit., p. 243.
  8. Ibid., Khushwaqat Rai, op. cit., p. 91; Ahmad Shah Batalia, Appendix Sohan Lal Suri’s Umdat-ut- Tawarikh, Daftar I, Lahore, 1885, p. 23.
  9. Lepel Griffin, op. cit., p. 316; Gian Singh op. cit., p. 243.
  10. Bute Shah, op. cit., IV, p. 37; Lepel Griffin, op. cit., p. 316. Some writers think that Dasonda Singh Dhaliwal belonged to the village of Rauke Kalan in the present Moga tehsil of Faridkot district.
  11. Bute Shah, op. cit., IV, p. 35; cf., Gian Singh, op. cit., p. 370.
  12. Ahmad Shah Batalia, Appendix, op. cit., p. 21.
  13. Ibid.
  14. Qazi Nur Muhammad, Jang-Nama (edited by Dr Ganda Singh), p. 59.
  15. Bute Shah, op. cit., IV, pp. 41-42; Khushwaqat Rai, op. cit., p. 91; Ali-ud-Din Mufti, op. cit, Vol. I, pp. 272-73; Kanaihya Lal, op. cit., p. 94; Gian Singh, op. cit., pp. 243-44; Muhammad Latif, History of the Panjab, Calcutta, 1891, pp. 309-10; Cunningham, History of the Sikhs (1849), reprint Delhi, 1955, p. 103.
  16. Baron Hugel, Travels in Kashmir and Punjab, London, 1845, p. 358.
  17. Sohan Lal Suri, Umdat-ut-Tawarikh, II, p. 13; Bute Shah, op. cit., V, p. 6; Ahmad Shah Batalia, op. cit., p. 29. Some writers say that Charhat Singh died in 1774 when he was encamped on the bank of Basanti river where he had gone to support the cause of Brij Raj Deo, the eldest son of Ranjit Deo, the ruler of Jammu, against his younger brother Dalel Singh. But none of the contemporary Persian writers corroborates it. Murray seems to be the originator of this information which was followed and copied by the later writers like Kanaihya Lal and Muhammad Latif. But all writers are unanimous about the cause of death, which took place in 1770.
  18. Bute Shah, op. cit., IV, pp. 39-40; cf.. Baron Hugel, op. cit., 359, Muhammad Latif., op. cit., reprint, Delhi, 1964, p. 298.
  19. Bute Shah, op. cit., IV, p. 40.
  20. Ahmad Shah Batalia, Appendix, op. cit., p. 16; cf., Bute Shah, op. cit., IV, p. 40. Bute Shah wrongly writes that the widow of Mansa Singh herself married Tara Singh, a relative of Haqiqat Singh. In fact, she bad married her daughter to Tara Singh.
  21. Bute Shah. op. cit., IV, pp. 43-44.
  22. Ibid., Ali-ud-Din Mufti, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 274.
  23. Bute Shah, op. cit., IV, p. 44; Ali-ud-Din Mufti, op. cit., I, p. 274.
  24. Bute Shah, op. cit., IV, p. 45; cf., Ali-ud-Din, op. cit. Vol. I, p. 274; Lepel, Griffin, op. cit., p. 318.
  25. Bute Shah op. cit., IV, pp. 45-46; Ali-ud-Din Mufti, op. cit., I, p. 274.
  26. Bute Shah op. cit., IV, p. 46; Ali-ud-Din Mufti, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 274-75.
  27. Bute Shah op. cit., IV, p. 47; Ali-ud-Din Mufti, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 275, Muhammad Latif, op. cit., (ed. 1916), p. 154.
  28. Ibid.
  29. Bute Shah, op. cit., pp. 47-48; Ali-ud-Din Mufti, op. cit., I. 275; Lepel Griffin, op. cit., p. 318. Muhammad Latif, op. cit., (ed. 1891), p. 343.
  30. Sohan Lal Suri, op. cit., II, p. 21.
  31. Bute Shah, op. cit., IV, p. 48; Ali-ud-Din Mufti, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 275-76.
  32. Cunningham, op. cit., p. 106.
  33. Lepel Griffin, Ranjit Singh, p. 155; Prinsep places this marriage in 1776 (Political Life of Maharaja Ranjit Singh), (1834), Patiala reprint. 1970 p. 32.
  34. Bute Shah, op. cit., IV, pp. 48-49; Ali-ud-Din Mufti, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 276.
  35. Ali-ud-Din Mufti, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 276.
  36. Ibid.
  37. Ibid., pp. 276-77.
  38. Bute Shah, op. cit., IV, p. 49; Ali-ud-Din Mufti, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 277.
  39. Ali-ud-Din Mufti, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 277-78; cf., Bute Shah, op. cit., IV, p. 49; Baron Hugel, op. cit., p. 361; Cunningham, op. cit., p. 106.
  40. Bute Shah, op. cit, IV; p. 49; Ali-ud-Din Mufti, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 278; Lepel Griffin, op. cit., p. 319; Muhammad Latit, op. cit., p. 310.
  41. Ibid., pp. 49-50.
  42. Bute Shah, op. cit., IV, p. 50; Ali-ud-Din Mufti, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 278.
  43. Khushwaqat Rai, op. cit., p. 92; Bute Shah, op. cit., p. 50; Ali-ud-Din Mufti, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 278; Muhammad Latif, op. cit., pp. 310-11.
  44. Bute Shah, op. cit., IV, p. 50; Ali-ud-Din Mufti, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 278-79; Lepel Griffin, op. cit. p. 319; Khushwaqat Rai, op. cit., p. 92.
  45. Khushwaqat Rai, op. cit., p. 91.
  46. Ibid, p. 92.
  47. Muhammad Latif, op. cit., p. 311; cf., Khushwaqat Rai op. cit., p. 22; cf., Ahmad Shah Batalia, op. cit., p. 24.
  48. Ahmad Shah Batalia, op. cit., p. 24.
  49. Khushwaqat Rai, op. cit., p. 92.
  50. Sohan Lal Suri, op. cit., II, pp. 24-26; Cunningham, op. cit., p. 106.
  51. Ahmad Shah Batalia, op. cit., p. 25.
  52. Ahmad Shah Batalia, op cit., p. 25; Baron Hugel, op. cit., pp. 361-62; Muhammad Latif, op. cit., p. 311.
  53. Ibid.
  54. Ibid.
  55. Ibid.
  56. Sohan Lal Suri, op. cit., II, p. 28; Bute Shah, op. cit., V, p. 17; DYMR-II Letter No. 15, dated May, 1790, refers to Mahan Singh’s death; James Skinner’s Haqaiq-i-Rajgan (1830), Dr Ganda Singh’s personal collection, Patiala). p. 105. Some writers depending on later or unreliable sources fix Mahan Singh’s death in 1792, which is incorrect.
  57. Khushwaqat Rai, op. cit., p. 92.
  58. Bute Shah, op. cit, IV, 51-52. According to Lepel Griffin, Jai Singh’s death took place in 1789, but he writes that the marriage of Ranjit Singh with Mehtab Kaur was performed in 1786. (Punjab Chiefs, ed. 1865, p.319).
  59. Ali-ud-Din Mufti, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 279-80; cf., Baron Hugel, op. cit., p. 275; Cunningham op. cit., p. 157.
  60. Muhammad Latif, History of the Panjab, Calcutta, 1891, p. 312.
  61. Sohan Lal Suri, op. cit., Daftar II, pp., 32-33.
  62. Khushwaqat Rai, op. cit., p. 92.
  63. Kushwaqat Rai, op. cit., p., 92; Bute Shah, op. cit; IV, p. 52; Ali-ud-Din Mufti, op. cit., I, p. 280.
  64. Ahmad Shah Batalia, Appendix, op. cit., pp. 25-26.
  65. Ali-ud-Din Mufti, op. cit., I, p. 280.
  66. Ibid.
  67. Ibid., pp. 280-81.
  68. Bute Shah, op. cit., IV, pp. 51-52.
  69. Ali-ud-Din Mufti, op. cit., I, p. 281.
  70. Ibid., cf., Gian Singh, op. cit., p. 238.
  71. Ibid., p. 282.
  72. Ibid., cf., Khushwaqat Rai, op. cit., p. 92.
  73. Ibid., Khushwaqat Rai, op. cit., p. 93; Lepel Griffin, Ranjit Singh, Oxford, 1905, pp. 158-59.
  74. Ali-ud-Din Mufti, op. cit., I, p. 345.
  75. C.H. Payne, A Short History of the Sikhs, London, n.d., pp. 72-73; cf., Lepel Griffin, Ranjit Singh, p. 158.
  76. Sohan Lal Suri, op. cit., Daftar II, p. 41; Bute Shah, op. cit., V, p. 23.
  77. Ibid., pp. 42-43; Ali-ud-Din Mufti, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 266.
  78. Baron Hugel, Travel in Kashmir and Punjab, London, J845, p. 274.
  79. Ahmad Shah Batalia, Appendix, op. cit., p. 26.
  80. Bute Shah, op. cit., IV, p. 52; Ali-ud-Din Mufti, op. cit., I, p. 282.
  81. Ibid, p. 50; Ibid., p. 283.
  82. Ahmad Shah Batalia, op. cit, p. 26; Bute Shah, op. cit., IV, p. 53; Ali-ud-Din Mufti, op. cit., I, p. 283.
  83. Bute Shah, op. cit., pp. 53-54.
  84. Ibid., p. 54.
  85. Bute Shah op. cit., IV, p. 54; Ali-ud-Din Mufti, op. cit., p. 283; cf., Ahmad Shah Batalia, Appendix, op. cit., p. 26.
  86. Bute Shah, op. cit., IV, p. 54; Ali-ud-Din Mufti op. cit., I, p. 283.
  87. Ahmad Shah Batalia, Appendix, op. cit., p. 26.
  88. Khushwant Singh, Ranjit Singh, London, 1962, p. 136.
  89. Diwan Amar Nath, Zafarnama-i-Ranjit Singh, (1837), Lahore, 1928, p. 148.
  90. Ahmad Shah Batalia, op. cit., p. 26; Cunningham, op. cit., p. 158.
  91. Ibid., cf., Muhammad Latif. op. cit., ed. 1916, p. 108.
  92. Ibid.
  93. Ibid.
  94. Ibid., cf., Khushwant Singh, op. cit., p. 137.
  95. Amar Nath, op. cit., p. 149.
  96. G.L. Chopra, Panjab as a Sovereign State, Lahore, 1928, p. 68.
  97. Amar Nath, op. cit., p. 149.
  98. Ahmad Shah Batalia, Appendix, op. cit., p. 27.
  99. Ibid.
  100. Muhammad Latif, op. cit., p. 459.
  101. Ibid., p. 424.
  102. Lepel Griffin, The Punjab Chiefs, p. 320; Gian Singh, op. cit., p. 246.
  103. Sohan Lal Suri op. cit., II, pp. 123-25. Jaimal Singh’s daughter, Chand Kaur, was born to a wife other than Sahib Kaur of Patiala.
  104. Bute Shah, op. cit., IV, p. 54; cf., Lepel Griffin, op. cit., p. 392.
  105. Lepel Griffin, op cit., pp. 337-38.